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ANALYSIS AND STUDIES ABOUT THE WAR AGAINST BOSNIA


[photos] Muhamed Borogovac

    The War in Bosnia - part seven

    
    
                          CHAPTER NINE
     
    
      The Consequences of Negotiations on the Bosnia-Herzegovina Constitution
    
                 The Questioning of the Bosnia-Herzegovina Recognition
    
    The question "What to do with Bosnia-Herzegovina?" has been opened again. 
    That question has already been answered once with the international
    recognition of Bosnia-Herzegovina, but now it was opened once more.  By
    agreeing to open the discussions on the Bosnia-Herzegovina constitution,
    Alija Izetbegovic practically annulled the recognition of BH.  Although it
    has not been stated and admitted publicly, all of the international
    participants in the BH affairs behaved as if BH no longer existed as a
    sovereign state, and Izetbegovic was looked upon as the leader of the BH
    Muslims, instead of Bosnia's leader (which was the case in the first
    place).  Due to such conduct by the American State department, in a US
    Senate foreign affairs hearing on June 30, 1994, Senator Joseph Biden
    asked Secretary of State Mr. Christopher: "How is it possible that you and
    the President Mr. Clinton are engaged in the partition of a sovereign and
    internationally recognized state, member of the U.N., Bosnia-Herzegovina?" 
    Mr. Christopher's answer was: "It is not true that the American
    administration is partitioning Bosnia-Herzegovina, because neither the USA
    nor the international community have a right to do that.  The
    representatives of the Bosnia-Herzegovina government have accepted its
    division during peace negotiations held a few months ago in Geneva."  To
    that Mr. Biden answered by stating that recently he was in
    Bosnia-Herzegovina and that he has reliable information that the Bosnians
    are ready to fight for the liberation of the remaining 70% of occupied
    territories.  Senator Biden also stated that during that trip he met with
    Mr. Izetbegovic and Mr. Ganic, and that both men told him that neither the
    Bosnian government nor the people have accepted Bosnia's division.  Mr. 
    Christophers answer to that was that Senator Biden must have been talking
    with a different group of Bosnians, because he has knows that Izetbegovic
    has very close cooperation with the "Contact" group on developing the maps
    of a divided Bosnia: "51% to the Muslims and the Croats and 49% to the
    Serbs."  He also added: "The Bosnians are actually very cooperative in
    regards the division.  It is the Serbs we are having trouble with."  After
    that reply, Senator Biden did not speak any more (as quoted on the
    C-SPAN2).  Senator Biden was naive enough to think that Izetbegovic was
    like most of leaders of states and that he was trying hard to preserve his
    country instead of doing just the opposite. Senator Biden was unaware that
    Izetbeghovic has signed a document for Lord Owen in September of 1993 (in
    Geneva) where he (Izetbegovic) agrees to seek the end of the war in Bosnia
    by dividing it in to three separate ethnic states.  As the result of that
    signing, a new plan was developed of creating a "Union" in BH (of the
    three states), which fortunately the BH Parliament rejected.  You might be
    asking yourself now: "How is it possible that such an important signature
    and agreement by Izetbegovic was unheard-of by the American Senators who
    otherwise played such an important role in the Bosnian war.  The answer is
    simple: "Who Izetbegovic really is and what does he really want is still a
    mystery to most of the people.  That is one of the best kept secrets in
    the Western diplomatic circles. Mr. Christop her revealed only a small
    portion of the truth, and even then, only when forced to do so.  A similar
    thing also happened to Lord Owen, who cornered by difficult questions of
    reporters once admitted the same thing that Mr. Christopher did: "it is
    the Bosnians (read: Izetbegovic) who are the ones who really want the
    partition of Bosnia.  And that is the only part of that story that has
    leaked out so far.  Bosnia's enemies know that without Izetbegovic's
    signatures there can be no division of Bosnia and the creation of the
    "Greater Serbia."  That is why Izetbegovic's true goals and aspirations
    are a closely guarded secret, especially by Bosnia's enemies.  By
    protecting Izetbegovic, they are also protecting his stature in the
    Islamic world, from which Izetbegovic is getting his financial support. 
    Izetbegovic is just one in a long line of "sold out" souls by which the
    West controls the Islamic world.  He (Izetbegovic) is just one of the
    Muslims who placed himself in the service against his own people, just so
    he could get control of his own state, in which his power would be
    absolute, his own version of an emirate.
    
                 The Destruction of the Will to Fight
    
    The second very important consequence of negotiations to "reconstruct BH," 
    that is, the discussions about the BH constitution, was the drop off in
    motivation by the Bosnians and the proportionate increase by the Serbs. 
    But, before the negotiations and right after Bosnia's recognition,
    situation was just the opposite.  The Bosnjaks received a goal that was
    worth fighting for, the independence of their country (which was even
    recognized as such by the rest of the world).  That recognition was the
    guarantee of the Bosnia's victory in that war.  The Bosnjaks knew that an
    internationally recognized state can not just disappear and its borders
    could not be changed by force and their territory could not be ceded to
    the aggressors. 
    
    On the other hand, those same reasons were moral defeat for the Serbs. 
    That was best proven by a village record keeper from the Eastern Bosnian
    region of Zvornik, village of Kamenica.  Kamenica was a Bosnjak's (Muslim) 
    village that was surrounded by the Serbs since the very start of the war.
    I met him in Tuzla in January of 1993.  He was a thirty year old who was
    very interesting to the news reporters since he kept a very meticulous and
    detailed dairy of the events taking place in his village, which was
    surrounded by the Serbs from the very beginning of the war.  However,
    through a network of other villages and roads, it was connected to other
    Bosnian held villages and towns, such as Zepa and Srebrenica.  The only
    thing separating the whole free region from the other free Bosnian
    territory of Tuzla was the Serbian controlled road from Zvornik to Han
    Pijesak.  But that road was of great importance to the Serbs, since it was
    their only communication between the state of Serbia and the Serbian held
    Romanija region of Bosnia.  With the liberation of that road by the
    Bosnian army, the whole Serbian controlled portion of Sarajevo region
    could have been in jeopardy.  So to keep the road from being cut off, and
    despite the shortage of men suffered by the Serbs , one section of the
    road was routed through a railroad tunnel through a mountain, five
    kilometers long.  But by the Serbs "going underground," the Bosnians were
    using the mountain above the tunnel to supply their villages by
    transporting everything by ha nd over the mountain.  The existence of
    those paths across the mountain was such a well kept secret, that only a
    few people that actually used it knew about it.  Their lives and the lives
    of their families depended on the secret roads.  I was glad to know that
    the Serbian encirclement of many of those villages wasn't complete.  I
    found out about that road from some of the people from the village of
    Kamenica that I have met earlier.  With them was the "record keeper."  At
    that time I was still a news repor ter fro the "War Tribune," a paper
    directed to the fighters from the town of Zvornik, so my publisher invited
    me to talk to the record keeper.  My conversation with him explained why
    the Bosnian were winning, despite the poor weapons and the general pover
    ty.  It proved beyond any doubt that motivation was a far greater cause of
    victory than just the material advantages.  Motivation is the deciding
    factor in a war.  The fact is that a man values his life and will not
    endanger it if he really doesn't have t o and if he doesn't have a large
    enough (and of course, obtainable) goal.  According to the record keeper
    from Kamenice, that is how the numerically superior Serbs, who had
    unlimited supplies of ammunition were running away from the defenders of
    Kamenica who only were given five bullets each.  The difference is that
    the people from Kamenica were defending their own families and property.
    By defending their property, they were also defending the source of their
    livelihood, since without their lands, they could not survive.  On the
    other side, the Serbs knew that their own families were safe and that they
    are dying for nothing, since Bosnia -Herzegovina was already recognized as
    an independent sovereign state, while at the same time the BH Army was
    getting stronger by the day.  However, when Izetbegovic signed the
    Vance-Owen plan in new York (March 1993) and when the Serbs realized that
    Izet begovic was recognizing as Serbian all the lands they took by force,
    their morale skyrocketed.  But the same signature (of the Vance-Owen plan) 
    destroyed the BH Army morale.  For example, I met some Bosnians from Banja
    Luka in the BH Embassy in Zagreb who refused to fight in the BH Army any
    longer, since as far as they are concerned, the war is over.  Their city
    (Banja Luka) was given to the Serbs and they no longer had the motivation
    or a reason to fight on.  Also, the soldiers from Doboj that I met on the
    market place in Tuzla told me that they don't want to fight and die in
    vain, because Doboj belongs to "Muslims" according to Vance-Owen plan and
    it will be given back by negotiations.
    
    That reversal in the motivation of the two sides soon reflected itself on
    the battlefield.  As early in April of 1993, a huge swath of BH territory
    fell to the newly motivated Serbs.
    
    According to the "Contact Group" plan, Srebrenica remains surrounded.  The
    defenders of Srebrenica realized that there is no future in such a
    permanently surrounded place, so why fight and die for nothing?  That is
    the same question that destroys the morale and the one that the Serbs
    were asking themselves after BH was recognized, and it is the same "morale
    baster" that Izetbegovic had sown among Bosnian defenders. 
    
    
                "THE DEMILITARIZATION OF SARAJEVO -The betrayal of Gorazde"
    
    Just as he did it to President Bush, Izetbegovic had succeeded in changing
    Clintons BH policy.  Clinton had also started enthusiastically to help
    Bosnia-Herzegovina.  We should remember the anger of Lord Owen, France,
    England and the Russians because his administration had refused to
    pressure BH to accept the "Union" plan, which Izetbegovic accepted but the
    Bosnian Assembly rejected.  During that time (late 1993 and early 1994)
    Christopher had often repeated that pressure can be exerted against
    Serbia, the aggressor, but not against Bosnia, the victim. 
    
    We should also remember the frustration of the Serbian friends, the
    British, the French and the Russians, who unsuccessfully tried to pressure
    Mr. Clinton in to not dropping food from the air to the surrounded BH
    enclaves.  If those enclaves were supplied from the air, that meant that
    the Serbs could no longer threaten and blackmail them.  Clinton decided
    anyway to supply them from the air. Later, Izetbegovic agreed with the
    Serbs and the U.N. to supply those areas over land instead from by the air
    drops, so the air drop operation ended.  The Serbs could once again start
    blackmailing the people of the surrounded enclaves. Clintons support for
    BH was felt all the way to the ultimatum issued after the February 1994
    massacre at market place in Sarajevo. The massacre of the 69 people in
    that Sarajevo served as the opportunity for Clinton to give the Serbs an
    ultimatum.  But instead of letting the Serbs be pressured by NATO and
    America, Izetbegovic again jumped to their (Serb) rescue.  His restart of
    negotiations with the Serbs at that time gave the Serbian supporters the
    argument that no foreign power should attack Serbs militarily if the
    negotiation are going on, and the "peace process" is continuing. 
    According to the agreement signed by Izetbegovic, Bosn ia-Herzegovina,
    which was not under any threats or ultimatums by the U.N. or NATO, also
    gave up their weapons, just as the Serbs (who were under the NATO threat) 
    did.  By that agreement, lines of demarcation were defined between the
    "combatants" and the U.N. soldiers would take up positions in Sarajevo
    according to those lines.  With that treasonous agreement signed by
    Izetbegovic, it was in fact agreed that the U.N. would protect the areas
    conquered by the Serbs.  That also gave the Serbs the opportunity to free
    up troops they sorely needed on other fronts. For example, Gorazde was
    endangered and attacked immediately, attacked by the same Serbian troops
    that Izetbegovic helped to "free up" from Sarajevo.  The citizens of
    Sarajevo defined the agreement on "demilitarizing" Sarajevo as "changing
    the death sentence to a life in prison."  As a party to the agreement of
    dividing Sarajevo, the Army of BH could no longer undertake any actions to
    liberate their own territory.  Characteristic of other Izetbegovic's
    agreements that favored the Serbs, Michael Rose, the U.N. commandeer in
    Bosnia in August of 1994, threatened the BH Army with bombing if it does
    not withdraw heavy weapons from within 20 kilometers from Sarayevo, and he
    also forced the BH Army to withdraw from some of the most strategic
    points surrounding the city.  So instead the Serbs being threatened by the
    NATO and the U.N., they actually have gotten a better deal than the
    Bosnians. 
    
    75
    
    After seeing what Izetbegovic has done with the ultimatum issued by the
    American President, Clinton finally realized that Izetbegovic does not
    want a unified BH.  Similarly to Bush, Clinton changed his policy towards
    Bosnia after that failed ultimatum and gave up on any further efforts to
    keep BH unified.  Before the 1996 (U.S.) Presidential elections, Clinton
    must resolve the BH crisis.  If it wasn't for Izetbegovic's betrayal and
    agreement that BH will be divided, the only option would have been the
    protection of the unified state of BH, victim of the Serbian aggression. 
    However, this way Izetbegovic gave Clinton the idea that the quickest and
    simplest way to end the BH crisis is the partitioning of Bosnia.  That is
    why his (Clintion's) administration is now pushing in that direction. 
    Division of BH will not ruin Clinton's image with the American voters
    because he isn't doing anything illegal.  The reason he isn't doing
    anything wrong is that a country can be divided only if its government
    agrees to it, and Izetbegovic has not only agreed to the division of BH,
    he encouraged it and made it possible.  As Gorazde was encircled the
    troops from Sarajevo couldn't help in Gorazde. 
    
    The end of the 7th part.
    
    
    
    

    [END OF PART SEVEN]

    [PART EIGHT]




    © Bosanski Kongres
    Updated Aug., 1997